In class this
week, we had a great discussion on how ideas and interests influence foreign
policy. This week’s readings were also quite illuminating on the effect of
ideas in foreign policy decisions, and how states reconcile their interests
with their beliefs. What really drives foreign policy – interests or ideas?
Goldstein
and Keohane suggest that states rely on ideas to legitimize their interests.1
However, ideas and beliefs
themselves have proven to be powerful motivators in and of themselves.
According to the Heidelberg Institute of Conflict Research, the primary cause
of conflict is ideological change2. Wars have been fought for
centuries over differences in religion, and more recently over differences in
political and economic ideology. Ideas, and the propagation of them, have always
been strong enough motivators for centuries to drive foreign policy and
conflict.
However, interests
are often cloaked as ideas when it comes to foreign policy decisions. Ideas
such as “promoting democracy” are often used as justifications for conflicts
and invasions when a material interest is actually behind these decisions. Why
are certain countries given help in humanitarian crises, while others are
ignored? Why are nations willing to overlook human rights violations in some
countries, but not others? A vested interest is often behind foreign policy
decisions even when cloaked as an idea.
Case in point –
the Rwandan genocide. Why did the United Nations and the United States decide
not to intervene in the 1994 mass murder? In subsequent years, critics have
condemned the US and the UN for their lack of action, but why did they not act
in in the first place? Is it because neither the US or the UN had any vested
interest in sub-Saharan Africa? While the UN security council did eventually
provide assistance, it was too little, too late. Interests, rather than ideas,
prevailed in this instance. Can ideas be promoted when there is more strategic
values in simply promoting interests?
1 Goldstein, J., &
Keohane, R. O. (1993). Ideas and foreign
policy: Beliefs, institutions, and political change, pg.4 Ithaca: Cornell
University Press.
2 Heidelberg Institute
for Conflict Research, infographic available from http://www.economist.com/node/12758508
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